Wednesday, September 27, 2017

Women and Kurdistan Referendum



More Than 50 US Political Activist & Academics Women Support The Kurdistan Independence Referendumچاپ
vokradio, Los Angeles, California, USA   

More than 50 US political activists and academics who signed a statement supporting the Kurdistan independence referendum as a democratic process, valid under international law

September 23, 2017
Los Angeles,
The following is the full text of their statement: 

women-kurds-a-20170919-870x580.jpg

Statement of support 
for the right to hold a referendum in the Kurdistan region in Iraq on Sep 25th


To all people who may be concerned with conflict resolution in the Middle East, concerned about the rights of all people to self-determination, and/or who would simply like to learn more about why this referendum is being held.

We ask our representatives to support Kurdistan referendum. We, women who are in one way or another originated from or related to the world's largest nation without a country, the Kurds, in this crucial moment of history, stand by the Kurdistan Regional Government's decision to hold a referendum in Kurdistan of Iraq. 
 

1) The referendum is a democratic process in which Kurdistani citizens are able to directly vote and decide on an important political matter: self-determination and independence.

2) The referendum is consistent with principles embodied in the United States Congressional Record (1918), where every civilized nation has the unquestionable right to exercise full powers of internal self-government.

3) The referendum is legal based on international law. The ratification of the United Nations Charter in 1945 at the end of World War II placed the right of self-determination into the framework of international law and diplomacy.

4) While we are deeply excited by the Kurdistani people's decision and the possibility of getting the right of independence in a legitimate referendum, we understand that a declaration of independence might not result from this vote.

5) This referendum is not only for Kurds, it is also for all Kurdistani people of various ethnicities and religious affiliations who are living in the region under the Kurdistan Regional Government.

6) The legacy of colonialism in the Middle East and the decision to deny Kurds' self- determination that came about as a result of the Sykes-Picot Agreement )1916) must come to an end.

7) We condemn all threats from neighboring countries who have oppressed Kurds throughout history. We urge them to not interfere with this democratic process.
8) We believe that supporting such a cause is supporting human dignity, people's right to vote, people's right to decide for their own future, and people's rights to rescue their future generations from oppression.

We strongly ask everyone to support this cause

Dr. Soraya Fallah, researcher; Traci Fahimi, Dean of SBC & Academic Programs; Chinar Binavi, President of Kurdish community center of CA; Soraya Mofty, Activist & Linguist; Leslie Ladd, fashion designer; Cklara Moradian, CSUN graduate student; Roya Nahid, businesswomen; Rojan Fayz, vocalist &activist ; Hanna Jaff, Philanthropist; Zhala Tawfiq, scientist ; Suzan Ahmed , Educator; MarmarStwart ,activist &Author; Azar Ghobadi , vocalist ,song writer; Mahboobeh Hossianinia, political activist; Nawaz Khasraw, Engineer; Ghomri Rostampour, public school educator; Farnaz Bahrami, event planner; Shaida Sharikandi, businesswoman; Hiro Salar, college student; SiloveBarvari,Publicist; FroozanKhoramian, Student; FawzeahAziz;Amina Abdullah; SafiyaDosky; LaekaSaddula; SabriaDosky; Kadria Sindi; Helen Sindi; Najeeba Shali; Bayan Sindi; MahdiaSindi; Nazdar Dosky; Rezan Dosky; Nazdar Qasab; Chiman Sindi; Bayan Merani; Nazdar Sharif; Fawzia Chalabi; Seeber Barwari, GalavejBarwari, Lana Dizay,Helaleh Sharikandi, Ava Aflak, Suzanne Darweesh, Nashmin Behrouzi,Parwaz Khasraw, Jwane Khasraw, Dr. Aida Ali Akreyi, researcher; and...
Names are not limited to the above list.

http://www.vokradio.com/content/view/2046/1/
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Rudaw interview Soraya Fallah about Kurdistan Referendum

Women foresee more influence shaping independent Kurdistan than Iraq

Rudaw 


By Rudaw 24/9/2017
A woman waves the Kurdistan flag at Erbil’s colour festival earlier this month. Photo: Sartip Othman/Rudaw
A woman waves the Kurdistan flag at Erbil’s colour festival earlier this month. Photo: Sartip Othman/Rudaw
ERBIL, Kurdistan Region – Acknowledging many concerns with respect to women’s rights and their lack of participation in public life in Kurdistan, women expect to have more influence shaping an independent Kurdistan nation than they would have remaining in Iraq. 

“I know there is a lot of enthusiasm and appetite to partake in nation building amongst women,” said Soraya Fallah, a US-based researcher, via email. 

“There is a long history of civil engagement and we can continue to build on that. Unfortunately, women in other parts of Iraq have not been able to break as many barriers.”

Fallah is one of over 40 Kurdish women who signed a statement supporting the Kurdistan independence referendum as a democratic process, valid under international law.

“We believe that supporting such a cause is supporting human dignity, people’s right to vote, people’s right to decide for their own future, and people’s rights to rescue their future generations from oppression,” read the statement from the women who come from all walks of life: politics, business, arts, education, and grass roots movements. The full text of their statement is below.

These women offer enormous potential for the Kurdistan nation in the midst of state-building and they are demanding their voices be heard. 

Kurdish women gained world renown as all-female brigades within the Peshmerga and other forces fought ISIS. Strong Kurdish women have dedicated their lives as fighters, activists, journalists, educators, and politicians, but they are still under-represented in key decision-making roles in government. 

There is a lot of work to be done, argued Fallah, “because whether we like to admit it or not, the government, the system, and the culture is patriarchal.”

In the war against ISIS, with Yezidi women a direct target of the group’s brutality, women’s rights in Iraq and the Kurdistan Region came under the microscope and into public discussion more than ever before. A positive result of this has been an increase in women’s movements with support from a myriad of international organizations. 

As Kurdistan stands on the brink of independence, now is the best time to harness those resources and the energy of half the population, Fallah stated. 

“We have to ask ourselves what kind of nation do we want to be?” she asked. “Independence needs to be based on democracy and the guaranteed rights of all citizens.”

She warned against focusing on the nation first and then addressing gender equality later, saying such a mentality has historically been a mistake. “Women’s issues need to be addressed simultaneously because free women can help build a nation alongside their male peers.”

Women have unfortunately been visibly lacking thus far with respect to the referendum. Fallah points out that the negotiations, meetings, and decisions have been male-driven. She thinks it likely many women are working behind the scenes or contributing to discussions and preparations, “but they are not given the space and platform to take part in key decision-making.”

Increased participation of women in politics “shoulder to shoulder with our men” not only empowers the individual women, it “empowers our nation as a whole,” said Fallah. 


Full text of the statement from Kurdish women on the referendum:

Statement of support for the right to hold a referendum in the Kurdistan region in Iraq on Sep 25th

To all people who may be concerned with conflict resolution in the Middle East, concerned about the rights of all people to self-determination, and/or who would simply like to learn more about why this  referendum is being held.

We ask our representatives to support Kurdistan referendum. We, women who are in one way or another originated from or related to the world’s largest nation without a country, the Kurds, in this crucial moment of history, stand by the Kurdistan Regional Government’s decision to hold a referendum in Kurdistan of Iraq. 

1) The referendum is a democratic process in which Kurdistani citizens are able to directly vote and decide on an important political matter: self-determination and independence.

2) The referendum is consistent with principles embodied in the United States Congressional Record (1918), where every civilized nation has the unquestionable right to exercise full powers of internal self-government.

3) The referendum is legal based on international law. The ratification of the United Nations Charter in 1945 at the end of World War II placed the right of self-determination into the framework of international law and diplomacy.

4) While we are deeply excited by the Kurdistani people’s decision and the possibility of getting the right of independence in a legitimate referendum, we understand that a declaration of independence might not result from this vote.

5) This referendum is not only for Kurds, it is also for all Kurdistani people of various ethnicities and religious affiliations who are living in the region under the Kurdistan Regional Government.

6) The legacy of colonialism in the Middle East and the decision to deny Kurds’ self- determination that came about as a result of the Sykes-Picot Agreement )1916) must come to an end.

7) We condemn all threats from neighboring countries who have oppressed Kurds throughout history. We urge them to not interfere with this democratic process.

8) We believe that supporting such a cause is supporting human dignity, people’s right to vote, people’s right to decide for their own future, and people’s rights to rescue their future generations from oppression.

We strongly ask everyone to support this cause.

Dr. Soraya Fallah, researcher; Traci Fahimi, Dean of SBC& Academic Programs; Chinar Binavi, President of Kurdish community center of CA; Soraya Mofty, Activist & Linguist; Leslie Ladd, fashion designer; Cklara Moradian, CSUN graduate student; Roya Nahid,  businesswomen; Rojan Fayaz, vocalist &activist ; Hanna Jaff, Philanthropist; Zhala Tawfiq, scientist ; Suzan Ahmed , Educator; MarmarStwart ,activist &Author; Azar Ghobadi , vocalist ,song writer; Mahboobeh Hossianinia, political activist; Nawaz  Khasraw, Engineer; Ghomri Rostampour, public school educator; Farnaz Bahrami, event planner; Shaida Sharikandi, businesswoman; Hiro Salar, college student; SiloveBarvari,Publicist; FroozanKhoramian, Student; FawzeahAziz;Amina Abdullah; SafiyaDosky; LaekaSaddula; SabriaDosky; Kadria Sindi; Helen Sindi; Najeeba Shali; Bayan Sindi; MahdiaSindi; Nazdar Dosky; Rezan Dosky; Nazdar Qasab; Chiman Sindi; Bayan Merani; Nazdar Sharif; Fawzia Chalabi; Seeber Barwari, GalavejBarwari, Lana Dizay,Helaleh Sharikandi, Dr. Aida Ali Akreyi.

http://www.rudaw.net/english/kurdistan/240920178

Names are not limited to the above list.

Saturday, April 08, 2017

Please participate : Short version of my Survey for study about "Families of Children with Special Needs"

 
    Families of Children with Special Needs Survey    
 
 
 

Greeting, I hope you are well.

In this critical period of our history, participation in an educational research is a best way to prompt social justice.


I am writing you because we in CSUN are studying parents and relatives of students with Special Needs and family origin from Middle East, North Africa, and Southwest Asia (MENASWA) specifically those MENASWA families who have experienced the US special education system.

We have an anonymous online survey that we are trying to get out to all families of MENASWA decent. Obviously, I thought that the families in your community and schools would be perfect to particiapte.

 Please let families know that we don’t need any identifiable information about them and the survey is COMPLETLY anonymous they might accept it.

Thank you in advance

Soraya Fallah

ELPS doctoral candidate, CSUN
Click the button below to start the survey. Thank you for your participation!

 
 
 
Begin Survey
 
 
 

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Sunday, March 05, 2017

We need your assistance to conduct this research study

 
    Families of Children with Special Needs Survey    
 
 
 

Dear friends,
Greeting, I hope you are well.

We're conducting a survey and your assitance and  input would be appreciated.

I am writing you because we are studying parents and relatives of students with Special Needs and family origin from Middle East, North Africa, and Southwest Asia (MENASWA)  specifically those MENASWA families who have experienced the US special ed system.

We have an anonymous online survey that we are trying to get out to all families of MENASWA decent. Obviously, I thought that the families in your community and schools would be perfect.

 If families know that we don’t need ANY information about them and the survey is completely anonymous they might accept it.

Thank you in advance

Soraya Fallah

ELPS doctoral candidate ,CSUN
Click the button below to start the survey. Thank you for your participation!

 
 
 
Begin Survey
 
 
 

Please do not forward this email as its survey link is unique to you.
Unsubscribe from this list

 
 
Powered by SurveyMonkey Logo
 

Tuesday, February 14, 2017

From Heroes to Organizers Principals and Education Organizing in Urban School Reform   
Abstract
Purpose: Educational leadership is key to addressing the persistent inequities in low-income urban schools, but most principals struggle to work with parents and communities around those schools to create socially just learning environments. This article describes the conditions and experiences that enabled principals to share leadership with teachers and low-income Latino parents to improve student learning. Methods: This study used interviews, observations, and documents to examine the perceptions and experiences of the principals of three small autonomous schools initiated by a community organizing group in California. Data analysis was conducted in iterative phases using shared leadership, social capital, and role theories as lenses to identify themes, triangulate across data sources, and examine alternative hypotheses. Findings: Findings illuminate how a design team process initiated principals into a model of shared leadership with teachers and empowered parents that focused on deep relationships and capacity building. Principals enacted this model of the “principal as organizer” in the newly-opened schools, but they struggled to navigate conflicting leadership role expectations from district administration. Implications: Organizing approaches to education reform can cultivate shared leadership in principals and the capacity to partner with empowered, low-income Latino parents. District expectations and principals’ broader social networks may be critical in navigating and sustaining such leadership. Further research on districts that collaborate with community organizing groups may provide promising insights into the development of a new generation of educational leaders.


Saturday, February 11, 2017

Thinking Together:
The Power of Deliberative Dialogue
By Scott London
Deliberative dialogue is a form of discussion aimed at finding the best course of action. Deliberative questions take the form "What should we do?" The purpose is not so much to solve a problem or resolve an issue as to explore the most promising avenues for action. Following a usage that traces back to the ancient Greeks, deliberation can be defined as the process of establishing intent and resolve, where a person or group explores different solutions before settling on a specific course of action. "We deliberate not about ends," said Aristotle, "but about the means to attain ends." Deliberation is necessary for what is uncertain, he noted, when there may be reasons for deciding on one course of action but equally compelling reasons for deciding on another.
As a journalist, I had been trained to listen for conflicting viewpoints — that, after all, was the essence of a good story. But as I listened to citizens deliberate in community forums and town meetings, I made a significant discovery: people's disagreements on issues were usually the starting point, not the final outcome, of their deliberations.
Deliberative dialogue differs from other forms of public discourse — such as debate, negotiation, brainstorming, consensus-building — because the objective is not so much to talk together as to think together, not so much to reach a conclusion as to discover where a conclusion might lie. Thinking together involves listening deeply to other points of view, exploring new ideas and perspectives, searching for points of agreement, and bringing unexamined assumptions into the open. The process usually revolves around a pressing question that needs to be addressed, rather than a problem that can be efficiently solved. A problem needs to be solved; a question cannot be solved, but it can be experienced and, out of that experience, a common understanding can emerge that opens an acceptable path to action.
The Greeks may not have invented dialogue, but they introduced the idea that individuals could not be intelligent on their own, that it was only by reasoning with others that they could uncover the truth for themselves. The Greeks understood that if two or more people were unsure about a question, they could accomplish something together they could not do on their own. By questioning and probing each other, carefully dissecting and analyzing ideas, finding the inconsistencies, never attacking or insulting but always searching for what they could accept between them, they could gradually attain deeper understanding and insight.
In this spirit, deliberative dialogue among a group of people is aimed at establishing a framework for mutual understanding and a common purpose that transcends mere ideas and opinions. While it may not produce consensus, it can produce collective insight and judgment reflecting the thinking of the group as a whole — personal disagreements notwithstanding. It is commonly assumed that the only alternatives to consensus are compromise and dissent. But deliberative dialogue offers another possibility by assuming that individuals' views may be to some degree amorphous and indeterminate until they have been, as Madison put it, "refined and enlarged" through the process of reasoning with others.
My own first exposure to deliberative dialogue was during the 1992 presidential campaigns when I observed a number of community forums in the Midwest. I was producing a radio documentary at the time about the mood of the country in the months leading up to the election. My goal was to capture a sense of people's anger and frustration about, as conventional wisdom had it, their being sidelined from the political process. Politicians, pollsters, and opinion leaders spoke alarmingly about plummeting voter turnout figures and a deepening cynicism and disgust with politics. The economy was in a funk and many were pointing the finger at gridlock and incompetence in government. Ross Perot had emerged as an unlikely presidential contender, making headlines with his quirky one-liners and infomercials about the excesses of the Washington establishment. It was a heady time. And what better place to tap public sentiment, I thought, than a series of forums on pressing campaign issues.
Yet as I listened to people deliberating in the forums, I found that they were speaking in very different terms than I had anticipated. It seemed that while politicians and opinion leaders were telling one story, people in communities were telling another. Citizens were concerned about the deepening divide between the nation's rich and poor, not — as the press would have it — about obscure indicators on the state of the economy. They worried about the growing pressures on working families, not about "family values." And they wanted to discuss pragmatic solutions, not liberal or conservative fixes. If anything, the citizens I heard were fed up with the tiresome refrain of conventional, he-said-she-said, left-versus-right, point-counterpoint news coverage. They were neither as ideologically polarized nor as fixed in their political views as the news coverage and opinion polls had led me to expect.
As a journalist, I had been trained to listen for conflicting viewpoints — that, after all, was the essence of a good story. But as I listened to these citizens deliberate in community forums, town meetings, study circles and other venues in the early 1990s, I made a significant discovery: people's disagreements on given issues were usually the starting point, not the final outcome, of their deliberations. As people voiced their ideas, their experience, and their opinions, as they took in the perspectives of others and clarified points of tension and disagreement, the emphasis would gradually shift away from ideological differences toward common values.
That is not to say the process always led to consensus. To the contrary, I rarely saw groups achieve real unanimity (and in cases where I did, the participants were invariably close-knit and like-minded). The process of deliberation, when it worked well, seemed rather to link people's private ideas and interests to something more closely resembling public values — values clarified and corroborated through a process of group inquiry. Publicly considered opinion, I found, was different from public opinion of the kind you read about in the papers or see reflected in the polls.
Since that time, I have continued to observe the power of deliberation, both as a journalist and as a sometime organizer and moderator of National Issues Forums. Nowadays I am also part of an open dialogue group where people from my own community of Santa Barbara, California, gather each week to discuss local, regional, and national issues. These ongoing dialogues are not always deliberative, in the strict sense of the term — to a degree because the object in them is to explore issues rather than weigh the pros and cons of various paths to action. Yet they are a powerful mechanism by which we generate a sense of mutual understanding and common purpose in the community.
Deliberative dialogue tends to unfold in a fairly predictable sequence. The moderator, if there is one, typically begins by welcoming the participants, having them introduce themselves, and reviewing the guidelines for dialogue before launching into conversation. Once the preliminaries are out of the way, participants enter into exploratory dialogue. This is the most delicate and tentative phase of the process since people are usually uncomfortable speaking up at first, particularly among strangers. Sometimes they are suspicious of the process itself, preferring to simply sit back and listen before contributing thoughts of their own. Relating personal stories of their relationship to the issue at hand can go a long way toward establishing a comfortable dynamic in a group.
Beyond establishing trust and cohesion in the group, the exploratory phase of dialogue allows a group to collectively identify what is at issue. This process of "naming" the issue is critical because without it participants may have no way of reconciling what to begin with are merely different and personal perceptions of what is at stake. The process often takes groups in new and unanticipated directions, particularly if they find that the issue they thought they had come to discuss is merely the symptom, or perhaps a part, of a deeper and more complex issue. I have seen this happen in communities where people gather to talk about one set of issues, such as neighborhood crime, but wind up focusing on a broader set of concerns, such as poverty or youth at risk. It can be a daunting experience for participants, especially if they come wedded to a fixed set of ideas about one issue and how to address it. But it can also be an exciting breakthrough, particularly among groups that are diverse, even potentially polarized. Distilling the essence of a problem is, after all, a step towards taking action to resolve it. Besides, there is little point in deliberating about how to address an issue until participants are in broad agreement about what they are coming to grips with and trying to do together.
In principle, deliberative dialogue often does not require an extended exploratory stage because briefing materials, such as issue books or starter videos, introduce the issue and present a range of practical approaches for discussion. The dialogue now shifts from inquiry and exploration to more purposeful deliberation — to the business of negotiating trade-offs and wrestling with what may look like competing choices. This process is usually a rigorous one because people must not only reason together about difficult practical questions but also develop lines of attack that reflect the core values of the group. This can be both frustrating and enlightening. Conflict and disagreement is almost certain, but productive groups can bring forth new understanding of the limits of tolerance — in respect both to the problem and to what might be demanded in resolving it — because, as they weigh individuals' concerns, they begin to discover what is valuable to them as a group.
Groups come together for different reasons and with different outcomes in mind. Some are content to set directions or arrive at a shared sense of how best to address an issue. Others use that collective judgment to arrive at decisions about action. Either way, the deliberative process comes to an end with a process summing up what has been said, points of agreement and disagreement, the concerns that are shared, and allowing for any final comments or clarifications.
The most powerful aspect of a deliberative session is the glimpse it offers of how people "reason" about public issues. Opinion polls and "on the street" interviews — the conventional mechanisms for capturing public sentiment — tell us very little about this process. At best, they give us a snapshot of where people think they stand on an issue; at worst, they offer a distorted and misleading view of how and what people are thinking. A useful opinion, after all, is not a momentary response to an unexamined question but a process of thinking, shaped by the continuous acquisition and rearrangement of knowledge and the activity of inquiring, exploring and evaluating. A question may "invite" an opinion, but it also may modify and recast it. In this sense, people typically do not "have" opinions but are, rather, involved in "opinioning." That an opinion is conceived of as a measurable thing falsifies the process by which people, in fact, do their "opinioning." Polling that relies upon "short form" answers to predesigned questions tends to hide this process from our view and to substitute a "vote" (or checkmark) for a judgment.
Deliberation gets us closer to the truth about how people grapple with issues. The process illustrates that predetermined opinions tend to obstruct rather than further dialogue. When people become identified with their ideas and assumptions, they struggle to defend them and persuade others of their validity. The purpose of deliberative dialogue is to move beyond the clash of opinions and arrive at a deeper and shared level of understanding.
In this way, there tend to be noticeable shifts in dialogue as participants subject their views to other perspectives. Instead of simply talking together or exchanging opinions, people begin actively thinking together — collectively exploring a question, weighing the strengths and weaknesses of alternative points of view, and searching for a common understanding. It is not unlike a group of musicians coming together to play a tune. While each member of the group has his or her own distinct role and musical sensibility, it is only by joining in harmony that they can create something beautiful together. Similarly, a group of people engaged in dialogue can discover a flow of meaning that, like music, reflects a synergy of perspectives that includes but also transcends the contribution of each participant.
Needless to say, not every dialogue succeeds in creating this level of sharing and insight. The difference between an ordinary and an extraordinary dialogue is the presence of some transforming moment, or critical turning point, when participants shift out of an identification solely with their own point of view and entertain the possibility of a common and collective understanding of the issue at hand.
Observing deliberative groups, I have seen this process at work on numerous occasions. In a recent forum on affirmative action, for example, a Mexican-American man related a poignant account of how the system that had promised him much-needed opportunities failed to provide them when he most needed them. The benefits of affirmative action came late in his case, he explained, and it was after he had earned a bachelor's degree and proven his ability to succeed in the system that it began rewarding him with additional opportunities. What he had really needed, he said, was help in reaching the bottom rung of the latter, not climbing the last steps of the way. After he related the story, the dialogue took a dramatic turn from the general to the specific, from the abstract and ideological to the practical implications of affirmative action practices. The man's story brought to light important facts about the policy, and more importantly, it gave the issue a human face.
These "transforming moments," I have found, come in response to distinctive elements of dialogue, including the sharing of personal narratives, provocative and open-ended questions (posed by one participant to another), the questioning of some fundamental assumption, and the collective search for common ground.
Personal narratives. In deliberative dialogue, personal stories allow participants to identify with each other and recognize others' experiences as valid on their own terms — even when they may disagree about their "positions" on an issue. Narratives build confidence in a group because, when participants have a better understanding of where individuals among them are coming from, they are more likely to understand and therefore trust their motives. Most importantly, personal stories are potentially transformative because they allow participants to identify and empathize with one another, even when their own experience has given rise to a different concern. Seeing an issue through the eyes of another person, especially someone of a different culture or background, can be a powerfully affecting experience.
Open-ended questions. Open-ended questions can challenge us to examine our own values and beliefs, put them into words, and subject them to the test of public scrutiny. That process, in the context of ongoing dialogue, may reveal to us the limits of our own thinking and the possibility of an expanded way of understanding the issue at hand. It tends to shift the conversation away from facts, statistics, and other kinds of information to the underlying sense of what is valuable, and to moral imperatives at issue. This is especially important when viewpoints are being posited as "facts" of unclear relevance but clearly driven by values. The process can be particularly effective when one participant poses a direct question to another since it not only stimulates the thinking of the person being asked but, more importantly, allows the participants observing the exchange an opportunity to experience the question vicariously. In dialogue, people often make points by asking rhetorical questions; but a question, if it is effective, will play on the common values of the group by probing what their implications are, in practical terms, and perhaps highlighting some moral tension.
Revealing hidden assumptions. Assumptions are like comfortable frames of reference that save us the trouble of repeatedly figuring things out anew. These mental shortcuts are convenient; but they can be troublesome when we are dealing with complex public issues. Since they are typically resistant to change, they can sometimes lock us into set ways of understanding a problem and thus hinder the emergence of mutual understanding. One of the main functions of deliberative dialogue is to call attention to such assumptions and bring them into the open: our hidden assumptions protect us from challenging thought; people with other assumptions push the challenge.
In his book, The Magic of Dialogue, Daniel Yankelovich has pointed out that the process of revealing hidden assumptions is arguably the most striking difference between discussion and dialogue. "In discussion," he writes, "participants usually stay away from people's innermost assumptions because to poke at them violates unwritten rules of civility." In dialogue, on the other hand, the process requires that "participants be uninhibited in bringing their own and other participants' assumptions into the open, where, within the safe confines of the dialogue, others can respond to them without challenging them or reacting judgmentally."
The search for common values. All too often, people in groups tend to emphasize the things that make each of them separate and unique — the things that set them apart from others — rather than the qualities they share. By searching for points of agreement, particularly values that are held in common, a group can begin to transcend their differences and speak with shared understanding, if not always a unanimous voice. More important, politically, each participant discovers that part of his or her own voice that may contribute to a broader public good.
Deliberative dialogue represents a striking contrast to the sort of discussion and debate that too often passes for public discourse today. In our poll-driven and media-saturated political culture — where rhetoric and sound-bites masquerade as serious ideas, and where political and professional elites often presume to speak on behalf of the people — we rarely take counsel of the public. And when we do, it tends to be in the most superficial of ways — through snapshot polls, perhaps, or "on the street" interviews. Deliberative dialogue illustrates that the consent of the governed is not an abstract or elusive democratic ideal. It is a matter of people playing a greater role in shaping the debate and setting directions for public policy not just by talking together but by thinking together.
This essay was adapted from "The Power of Deliberative Dialogue," published in the book, Public Thought and Foreign Policy, edited by Robert J. Kingston.


Wednesday, January 11, 2017

Kurdish Communities in Los Angeles Celebrate New Year and Hope for a Better Year

By Dr. Amir Sharifi:
While Jewish Kurds in Washington DC celebrated Hanukkah, the festival of light on Dec 31, in the West Coast, there were two New Year venues: one held by the Kurdish Community of Southern California on Dec 30 and the other by Niroj Kurdish Cuisine on the New Year’s Eve. Both events were well received and spectacular in saying farewell to 2016 by reaffirming Kurdish historical and cultural tradition of celebrating diversity and resilience. Kurdish celebrants, many of whom were dressed in colorful Kurdish costumes indulged in a night of music, food, and fun. I attended the Dec 30th event where I briefly spoke about the Kurdish culture of embracing religious diversity.
The program commenced with the Kurdish national anthem sung by Mrs. Soraya Fallah and Mr. Azad Moradian against a backdrop of Kurdish flags. For entertainment there were a classical singer and performer, Rahman from Rojava, and Zerevan Zaxoyi a vocalist from southern Kurdistan; while the former played and sang mostly meditative and classical Kurdish music, the latter enhanced his singing with rhythmic dance music from different regions of Kurdistan; women and men old and young and children held hands in colorful and vibrant processions and danced along all night except for short intervals.
The celebrants were provided with a brief background on the antiquity of Christianity in Kurdistan and the fact that Christian communities have ancient roots in Kurdistan whose religious heterogeneity arises from its celebration of diversity of faiths and belief systems, the presence and confluence of both pre-monotheistic religions such as Mithraism and Zoroastrianism and monotheistic practices such as Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. In the words of professor Yona Sabar, a Jewish Kurdish scholar “Judeo-Christians, or Nazrani (apparently derived from Nazareth), have inhabited the territory of today’s Kurdistan since, perhaps, the second century. Mar Matti (St. Matthew) Monastery about an hour and a half drive from Erbil is an impressive religious structure high up on a mountainside that began in the fourth century and continues to function today.” Another evidence about the ancient roots of these communities according to Sabar can be found in “ … dozens of active Christian communities still speaking Neo-Aramaic dialects, derivatives of the Aramaic language spoken by Jesus Christ. Christians are taught Neo-Aramaic in certain public (government) schools fully funded by the Kurdistan Regional Government. Similarly, Armenian Christians in certain public schools are taught the Armenian language.”

The audience was reminded how Saddam Hussein’s Al-Anfal (the Spoils) genocidal campaign had destroyed and displaced many communities of Christians, Ezidis, and Shabaks in 1990’s only to be reconstructed under the auspices of the Kurdish Regional Government in 2003. The audience also recalled how like Ezidis, Christians after the onslaught of ISIS, were subjected to unprecedented massacres, massive destructions of their communities, and displacements as a result of which out of 1.5 million Christians in Iraq, only 400000 remain, most of whom are now under the protection of the Kurdish region. Thousands are in refugee camps, waiting for resettlements in European countries.
Similarly in Turkey in 2016, religious intolerance and oppression was resumed as a new wave of violence, hatred, and persecutions against Christians and other religious and ethnic minorities escalated; mobs attacked churches and Alevi places of worship, often provoked by the ruling party and religious leaders, trampling what had been gained under the local governance of the Kurdish municipalities in which Armenian communities once again had found a place and voice as Kurdish officials helped to rebuild and renovate churches and reconnect with Armenians.
The diverse audience was reminded that despite the fact that hard and painful life of Christians in 2016 had marred the festive mood in Kurdistan, Christian communities, in towns and villages celebrated Christmas and New Year. Haseeb Saleem, a 65 year old Christian from the Mosul area who had left more than two years ago and now lives in the Kurdish city of Erbil, in an interview with New York Times (For Liberated Iraqi Christians, Still a Bleak Christmas, Dec 23) had captured the plight of Christians and the existential threat they have faced, “There is no guarantee that we can go back and be safe.” However, a nun from Qaraqosh in an interview with New York Times in the same report sounded more hopeful about the survival of the community “They can destroy our houses, our things, but not our souls.” The celebrants of different belief systems found what the nun had said reassuring, reflecting the spirit of resilience that has helped the ancient land of Kurdistan and its diverse inhabitants to survive such crises. The night ended the hope for a better year in 2017 as the musicians and singers continued to excite the celebrants who had filled the floor to dance till midnight.
Dr. Amir Sharifi – President of the Kurdish American Education Society Los Angeles

https://www.facebook.com/azad.moradian/videos/10209658111261994/

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Monday, April 25, 2016

Kurds rally with Armenians to commemorate genocide

By Ava Homa 

Kurds rally with Armenians to commemorate genocide

Kurds rally with Armenians to commemorate genocide
Kurds were present among the protestors, including Ezidis from Phoenix, and non-Kurd members of the Rojava Solidarity Committee Los Angeles, holding signs to declare solidarity with Armenians.
LOS ANGELES, United States (Kurdistan24) – On Sunday, an estimated 60,000 protestors rallied before the Turkish Consulate in Los Angeles to commemorate the 100+1 anniversary of the Armenian genocide.
Kurds were present among the protestors, including Ezidis from Phoenix, and non-Kurd members of the Rojava Solidarity Committee Los Angeles, holding signs to declare solidarity with Armenians.
The Kurdish American Education Society, Kurdish Community of Southern California, Kurdish Human Rights Advocacy Group and Kurdish National Congress of North America joined the Armenian Genocide Committee to support the 2016 Rally for Justice.
Armenians perceive the killing of a million and a half by Ottomans as an act of genocide. Turkey says half a million Armenians died when they rebelled against their rulers after World War I.
Kurdish political groups and NGOs have apologized for the fact that throughout the Kurdish-populated regions, some Kurds participated in the genocide of the Armenians. However, other Kurds opposed the genocide, and in some cases even helped hide or adopted Armenian refugees.
Southern California has the largest Armenian community outside of Armenia. According to US census data, over 200,000 people of Armenian descent live in Los Angeles.
Vazgen Barsegian, an Armenian activist, told Kurdistan24, “It was very emotional for me seeing my fellow Kurdish brothers and sisters sincerely joining our struggle and demanding justice. I grew up in Van with Kurdish people, so seeing my fellow Kurdish brothers and sisters marching by my side meant a lot to me.”
A Kurdish activist, Cklara Moradian, told Kurdistan24, “Building connections between our communities [Armenian & Kurdish] is crucial, not just because we share such intertwined histories of survival, but so that moving forward we can raise our voices in unison against the atrocities being committed by Turkey today.”
Moradian added that Kurds’ presence “was about showing up, visibly, to give our support. In the future, we hope to collaborate on more movement building, social and political. I deeply believe that we can more effectively fight for the recognition of each of our unique individual struggles when we rise in solidarity with each other.”
One of the organizers of the rally, Mikael Matossian, said, “The truth is clear: the Armenian Genocide is not a solely Armenian issue, but a human one. The oppression felt by our ancestors in 1915 mirrors the experiences of other ethnic minorities who also have weathered imperialism, colonialism, and genocide."
“The repressive tactics of the Ottoman Empire have carried on into the modern Republic of Turkey, targeted toward Kurds and Armenians there. Motivated by this shared struggle against a common enemy, Kurdish and Armenian activists united today to call on the Turkish government to end its currently racist and xenophobic-motivated policies, and deliver justice to the Armenian people in the form of recognition and reparations," he added.
Soraya Fallah, Kurdish Human rights activist, says atrocities that happened 100 years ago are continuing today. "During the Ottoman Empire, Armenians were killed, years later Kurds were killed and today in the 21st century still Kurds are killed and massacred in Erdogan’s self-declared empire,” she stated.
"If there is no recognition, establishment, and mechanism of prevention, genocide will repeat and continue; the way we still see it today," Fallah continued.
She added that the rally was very powerful. “It is amazing to see a nation transforming their mourning to the power of a movement for justice and unity and endowing their identity to their children and new generation!” Fallah declared.
Solin Rojihalat, one of the organizers of the contingent told Kurdistan24, “I had the pleasure to simply witness a person with Greek and Armenian flags dancing to the Armenian 'Hay Qajer;' the Kurdish 'Lo Berde' of the same melody. A few Armenians took pictures with some of our friends in the Kurdish contingent.”
“We want to find each other. Whether we’re planets that orbit the same sun or we’re simply earnest people with a desire to know one another, we catch sight of one another and know that we're here together," Rojihalat said.
In a statement to mark Armenian Remembrance Day on April 24, President of the United States Barack Obama called the massacre the first mass atrocity of the 20th century and tragedy that must not be repeated. But he refused to use the word "genocide," a term he used before becoming president in 2009.

Reporting by Ava Homa
Editing by Karzan Sulaivany